m 234win ph Prince William once gifted this to wife Kate Middleton; She was not amused

PHILADELPHIA — Heeerrreee’s Kelce! Jason Kelce, the retired Eagles center turned multimedia star, is taking his talents to late-night television as the host of "They Call It Late Night," a new weekly ESPN show filmed in Philadelphia with a limited run leading up to the Super Bowl. Emphasis on late. The show will debut at 1 a.m. on Saturday, Jan. 4, so make sure you set your DVR. “I loved late-night shows, I’ve always loved them,” Kelce said on "Jimmy Kimmel Live!" Thursday night. “I remember sleepovers watching Conan O’Brien with my friends.” Kelce didn’t say much about the format of the show or his first guests, but it will be NFL-focused and air a total of five episodes from Week 18 through the playoffs. “We’re going to have a bunch of guys up there, legends of the game, friends that I played the game with, coaches, celebrities, while also incorporating NFL films,” Kelce said. One thing is clear — not many people are going to be tuning in at 1 a.m. to watch Kelce or anyone else, especially as cord-cutting continues. Instead, the show appears designed to live online, with clips pushed on social media by ESPN’s mighty digital footprint, and available digitally on both ESPN+ and Kelce’s YouTube channel. "They Call It Late Night" will be filmed Friday nights at Union Transfer in Philadelphia, with music provided by brass-heavy Philly party band Snacktime. Tickets will be available through 1iota, but specific information on how to attend a taping hasn’t been released. The name of Kelce’s show is a nod to "They Call it Pro Football," the first full-length documentary produced by NFL films back in 1967, which featured the immortal words of famed Philadelphia broadcaster Jon Facenda: “It starts with a whistle and ends with a gun.” It’s just the latest gig for Kelce, who is in his first season as an NFL studio analyst on ESPN’s "Monday Night Football" pregame show, Monday Night Countdown. He also cohosts "New Heights," the $100 million podcast he began back in 2022 with his brother, Kansas City Chiefs tight end Travis Kelce. There’s also weekly appearances on 94.1 WIP and commercial spots for Wawa, Buffalo Wild Wings, NFL Sunday Ticket, Garage Beer, and more. Oh, and he’s also back with another Philly Special Christmas album alongside Eagles offensive linemen Jordan Mailata and Lane Johnson. Kelce isn’t afraid to stay busy, but being in the spotlight has led to some issues. In May, Kelce and his wife, Kylie, were heckled by a fan in Margate after the duo declined a request for a photo. And earlier this month, Kelce admitted letting his anger get the better of him after a Penn State fan used a homophobic slur in reference to Travis. Kelce reacted by slamming the fan’s phone to the ground and repeating the slur back, which he later apologized for. “It’s a little much at times,” Kelce admitted to The Philadelphia Inquirer during an interview before the start of the NFL season. While the late-night stint might only be five weeks, Kelce signed a multiyear deal with ESPN earlier this year that gives him a lot of flexibility to do different things. In addition to his role as a studio analyst, Kelce spent some time in the booth calling the Eagles’ Week 2 loss to the Atlanta Falcons alongside "Monday Night Football" announcers Joe Buck and Troy Aikman. “I think I got better as it went,” Kelce said following the game. “I think everybody saw Tom Brady’s first-week performance and had a lot of criticism for it ... I got to see firsthand why that’s so hard, for sure.” ©2024 The Philadelphia Inquirer. Visit inquirer.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.Twenty years ago, Somalia was headed for catastrophe. Conflict, drought and government collapse threatened to plunge 200,000 people into famine. But relief groups lacked enough food for everyone and had no consistent way of identifying those most at risk of starvation. A man angered about his clan’s limited share of food aid fired shots at humanitarian workers. Nicholas Haan, an American then working on the aid effort for the United Nations, had an idea: Create an evidence-driven system that objectively classified acute food insecurity and engaged both international experts and Somali leaders so all agreed on how to manage the crisis. The idea worked, Haan said. Locals helped gather evidence for the analysis. That led to greater acceptance of tough decisions on where to send aid, he said. The process Haan and other aid workers sketched out in about a month eventually evolved into the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, or IPC, a global partnership that’s a linchpin in today’s vast system for monitoring and alleviating hunger. It is designed to sound the alarm about developing food crises so organizations can respond and prevent famine and mass starvation . But as hunger crises sweep parts of the developing world this year, the technocratic assumptions on which the IPC warning system rests are colliding with messy and brutal realities. In March, the IPC warned that famine was imminent in northern Gaza. In August, it said famine had taken hold in part of Sudan’s North Darfur state. Nevertheless, U.N. officials said in early November that the entire population of northern Gaza was at “imminent risk of dying from disease, famine and violence.” In Darfur, little aid has reached Zamzam, a famine-stricken camp for displaced people, and its estimated 500,000 residents are at risk of dying of hunger-related causes. Critically, the IPC is struggling to access the data it needs to conduct informed analyses . With most of the world’s food crises being driven by conflict, it has become increasingly difficult to gather the information the IPC requires to classify vulnerable nations on its five-stage acute food-security scale. In Gaza, Israeli bombing and restrictions on movement have impeded efforts to collect statistics on malnutrition, deaths unrelated to trauma , and other essential data. In Sudan, violence, military roadblocks, bureaucratic obstruction and a telecommunications blackout have disrupted efforts to test for malnutrition, count deaths and survey people about their access to food. Another frequently false assumption underpinning the IPC’s work: The world will respond promptly to its warnings. In reality, significant aid sometimes comes after the starving are already dying in droves. Perhaps the system’s greatest weakness – one its creator Haan points to himself – is the premise that governments in hunger-stricken countries will cooperate fully with the IPC, the U.N. and other outside helpers. G overnment involvement can be the system’s greatest strength, Haan said, empowering countries to solve their own problems. But Reuters found that giving local officials a seat at the table – as the IPC usually does – also can pose a conflict of interest, positioning them to undermine the hunger monitor’s work and harming the people it is meant to protect. This is especially true in cases of civil war, when a government’s military strategy can trump humanitarian goals. “It inadvertently gives a veto to any belligerent party that does not want a famine declared,” said Jeremy Konyndyk, president of the humanitarian relief group Refugees International and former director of the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance in the U.S. Agency for International Development. In three countries now suffering severe food crises, Reuters found that governments or rebels have blocked or falsified the flow of data to the IPC or have tried to suppress its findings. In Ethiopia, the government disliked an IPC finding that 350,000 people were experiencing catastrophic acute food insecurity – so it stopped working with the IPC. In Yemen, Houthi rebels commandeered the IPC’s research process and exaggerated a food crisis to try to get more aid. In Sudan, the government tried to invalidate a survey that showed high rates of acute malnutrition among children. Ethiopian and Sudanese officials told Reuters the IPC analyses were flawed. Houthi representatives said their research documented a legitimate humanitarian crisis . One reason for such sabotage: Governments fear the international stigma and domestic political blowback from being unable to perform one of their most basic duties – feeding their own people. “Countries don’t want to be told they’re presiding over a famine,” said Mark Lowcock, who coordinated U.N. emergency relief efforts from 2017 to 2021. “It does not win you international kudos and admiration. So these state entities try to wiggle and weave to avoid having that exposed.” The IPC acknowledges that the impediments sometimes slow its work and delay alerts seeking urgently needed resources for places with extreme hunger crises. That is one reason for new protocols the IPC announced Nov. 22. IPC Global Program Manager Jose Lopez, in response to questions about the warning system’s shortcomings, said the IPC will now require that its technical experts take over government-headed analyses within two weeks of when evidence points to famine and there are exceptional circumstances, such as government interference or delay. The IPC said the change is intended to ensure timely, unbiased reports during crises, in hopes of halting mass starvation and preventing widespread deaths. In October, the IPC also issued new guidance on how analysts should incorporate conflict conditions into their reports . The guidance cites the IPC’s failure to warn early enough that South Sudan seemed headed for famine in 2020. Armed militias were fighting over resources and historic grievances, displacing tens of thousands of people. Analysts hadn’t adequately factored in the impact of the organized violence on food security, the document says. The guidance directs analysts to consider ways conflict can drive food insecurity, such as cutting access to food, causing prices to skyrocket and disrupting crop production. Reuters’ examination of how the IPC operates and whether it is an effective alert system is based on internal IPC documents and communications, meeting minutes of humanitarian organizations and data on aid delivery, nutrition and donations. Reporters also interviewed dozens of aid workers, government officials, IPC analysts and academics who study food security. Many of the problems plaguing the IPC are beyond its control, from civil war and other conflicts that obstruct data collection to tardy reactions to its forecasts by aid donors and distributors. The IPC says its hunger analyses help direct $6 billion in annual aid to the more than 35 nations it monitors. But $15 billion of requests for food security and nutrition globally went unmet in 2023 , according to U.N. data that tracks the flow of aid. Martin Griffiths, who stepped down as U.N. humanitarian relief chief in June, said shortage s of data, money and access to areas where people are starving has created a situation in which “your hands are tied behind your back from the beginning.” The U.N.’s own internal weaknesses also can hamper relief efforts. In Ethiopia, massive amounts of aid from the U.N.’s World Food Program (WFP) were diverted, in part because of the organization’s lax administrative controls. An internal WFP report on Sudan identifies a range of problems in the organization’s response there, including an inability to respond adequately to the crisis, missed funding opportunities and what it describes as “anti-fraud challenges,” Reuters reported Wednesday. Today, the IPC is an independent body funded by Western nations and overseen by 19 large humanitarian organizations and intergovernmental institutions. Though its duties are far-reaching, its resources are tight: It has just 60 paid staff and an $8.5 million annual budget. It relies on hundreds of analysts from governments and partner agencies to produce reports on hunger and acute malnutrition in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East. IPC reports rank areas for acute food insecurity on a one-to-five scale that slides from minimal to stressed, crisis, emergency and famine. In each country, a “technical working group,” usually headed by the national government, analyzes data, classifies areas on the IPC scale and issues periodic reports. Rather than gathering its own data, the IPC relies on the WFP, a multi-billion-dollar global distributor of food aid, and other relief organizations and government agencies to provide it. When famine is in play, the group’s analysis often gets another layer of scrutiny – from the IPC’s five-member Famine Review Committee, which vets and verifies the finding. The IPC’s hunger analyses require rigorously examining data on factors scientifically linked to food security, such as crop yields, food prices and malnutrition. Although those uniform standards and technical rigor are important, it is essential that they don’t become a barrier or slow the process of delivering aid, said Deepmala Mahla, chief humanitarian officer for the relief organization CARE, an IPC partner. “The single largest driver of hunger in the world is conflict,” Mahla said. “This means that people who are most desperately in need are in the hardest-to-reach areas. The single most pressing IPC challenge is the difficulty in collecting mortality and nutrition data from these areas.” In Gaza, Israel’s 13-month military campaign has displaced an estimated 1.9 million Palestinians, many of them multiple times. Bombings, movement restrictions and evacuations ordered by Israel’s military block access to health care and keep aid workers from reaching people in need. All this makes it extremely difficult for the IPC to get data for two of the statistics it seeks for a famine determination – malnutrition and hunger-related deaths , aid workers told Reuters. The IPC’s preferred method for assessing acute malnutrition levels is to measure children’s weight and height. But Israeli bombing has destroyed many of Gaza’s hospitals and clinics – and along with them, scales and height boards. Humanitarian organizations instead trained health workers to measure children’s upper arms. The IPC relied on such measurements in October, when it reported that acute malnutrition rates in Gaza were 10 times higher than before the conflict but still below its threshold for deeming an area in famine. But the data was collected in August and September, before conditions worsened in the north, where Israel is conducting intense attacks. Since October, health workers have been unable to get there to collect malnutrition data. The conflict also has imperiled the data collectors themselves, who often are aid workers. At least 337 aid workers have been killed in Gaza since the Israeli operation began , the most ever in a single crisis, according to the U.N. In November 2023, a few weeks before IPC analysts began working to gauge whether Gaza was in famine, a convoy carrying staff and family from Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders, or MSF) came under fire, killing two. MSF said the convoy was clearly marked with the aid group’s logo and said all evidence pointed to a deliberate attack by Israel. So worried was the IPC about aid workers’ safety in Gaza that it set up anonymized Zoom calls to conduct its work, six participants told Reuters. Some of the IPC analysts worked for humanitarian organizations on the ground in Gaza, and the IPC feared they could be targeted by Israel. So each day, a facilitator would conceal the analysts’ identities before letting them into the virtual meeting room. Instead of screen names, they had numbers: Analyst 1, Analyst 2, Analyst 3. All kept their cameras off. The Israel Defense Forces did not respond to Reuters questions about the MSF incident, attacks on aid workers or the IPC’s efforts to protect its analysts . COGAT, the Israeli government body that oversees aid to Gaza, told Reuters that in recent months a new Israeli government board has begun focusing on the safety of humanitarian workers. It “facilitates efficient and rapid information sharing” to help them distribute aid safely and effectively, COGAT said. The IPC did not have a group of analysts working in Gaza when Israel’s military operation began. So the IPC set up an ad hoc group, headed by its own staff rather than local government representatives. The arrangement was meant to protect the group’s neutrality, two IPC sources said. Almost everywhere else the IPC operates, a government official heads the working group. The IPC works on the assumption that governments want to get aid to the starving. But Reuters found that several governments or ruling factions sought to manipulate or suppress data collection for IPC analyses. They have used the IPC’s own rigorous requirements to exclude crucial evidence of famine and delay the publication of reports warning about the risk of famine. In Sudan, the government sought to suppress a key malnutrition and mortality s tudy that helped show that the huge displaced persons camp called Zamzam was in famine. The camp formed in 2004, during attacks by the Sudanese government and Janjaweed-aligned militia that resulted in ethnically motivated mass killings. It now shelters about 500,000 displaced people. MSF randomly selected and measured the upper arms of 659 children there in January. The aid group found almost 25% to be acutely malnourished – higher than the IPC’s 15% threshold for famine. It also found alarmingly high mortality rates among the wider population. At the end of March and into early April, the group screened another 4 7 ,000 children and found one of every three malnourished. Some children died while waiting in line to be screened, said Seham Abdullah, a 28-year-old doctor who worked on the survey and is still treating patients there. Others died on the way to the clinic, she said. “The children are sent away because there are no beds,” Abdullah told Reuters. “Then they come back later and their conditions are worse.” MSF treatment for malnourished children has been hindered by sporadic aid shipments. For a time this fall, it was unable to treat 5,000 children with acute malnutrition because warring parties were preventing supplies from reaching the camp. MSF’s child nutrition and mortality survey from January gave the IPC valuable data points as it worked to determine if the area was in famine. A famine analysis considers people’s access to food, along with malnutrition and mortality rates. But the Sudanese government – engaged in a civil war with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and adamantly opposed to a famine declaration for strategic reasons – rejected the study. Ibrahim Khatir, head of the North Darfur health ministry, told Reuters in August that MSF’s findings were exaggerated to drum up funding. Aid organizations “d o it as advertising so they can get more support,” he said. “So they can get nice houses, cars, salaries, they rely on the suffering, the hunger.” In response to Khatir’s remarks, MSF noted the statistical rigor of its analysis and called its findings “unambiguous.” “The plight of Sudanese people, only receiving a trickle of humanitarian aid at best while trapped by hunger and war, is nothing short of outrageous,” Michel-Olivier Lacharité, MSF head of emergency operations, said in an emailed statement to Reuters. In June, Sudan’s ambassador to the U.N., Al-Harith Idriss al-Harith Mohamed, criticized outsiders’ efforts to declare famine in Sudan, which he called “a narrative whereby famine can be dictated from above.” A famine declaration would increase pressure on the government to open a key aid-shipment border crossing from Chad, which he called a “Pandora’s box” that would open up arms smuggling to the RSF. Sudan’s agriculture minister, Abubakr al-Bushra, raised similar objections in a letter later that month to Lopez, the IPC chief. Lopez replied that the IPC could not factor Sudan’s military concerns into its analysis. “The issues you raised about the risks of diversion of humanitarian assistance and of a potential conflict expansion go beyond the purpose and objectives of a Famine Review,” Lopez said in the July 4 letter, seen by Reuters. After MSF published its nutrition and mortality findings on Zamzam in February, it took the IPC six months to alert the world that famine was happening there. Over that time, the average number of graves dug daily in Zamzam grew. Reuters used high-resolution optical and radar satellite imagery to examine activity in seven Zamzam graveyards. The images reveal an average rate of at least 1.6 new graves added each day in March. By November, that rate had grown to at least 4 each day . The analysis is likely an undercount because it is impossible to know if the images reveal every burial, especially small children’s graves. In February, MSF estimated that one child was dying every two hours in the camp. The news agency’s use of satellite imagery is an example of new types of data that could be incorporated into the IPC’s analyses, Haan said. The Famine Review Committee cited Reuters’ work as one piece of evidence in its August famine finding. The IPC is now working with Yale University’s Humanitarian Research Lab to explore ways of using similar analyses in its reports, Haan said. It also is exploring machine-learning techniques, which rely on computer models to predict outcomes. Zamzam’s misery continues. The camp has come under intense shelling this week, a volunteer worker and an aid organization told Reuters. Sudan isn’t the only place where the IPC ran into intense government resistance . In June 2021, the IPC analyzed the risk of famine in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, where paramilitary forces were then in the midst of violent conflict with government forces. The hunger monitor found that more than 350,000 people were in Phase 5, or catastrophic conditions. Ethiopia’s central government challenged the IPC’s methodology and conclusions, but the IPC published its analysis anyway. It added a disclaimer: “This report has not been endorsed by the Government of Ethiopia.” The government reacted furiously. It “perceived the publication as unilateral and unauthorized,” a senior government official, speaking on condition of anonymity, told Reuters. The government later expelled seven senior U.N. officials and blocked further IPC access in Ethiopia. No IPC analyses have been performed in Ethiopia since, although the government official said talks recently began in an effort to improve relations between the government and the IPC. Strong-arming of the IPC and the broader humanitarian relief system became severe in Yemen in 2023, when Houthi rebel forces who control the country’s north tried to exaggerate a hunger crisis to draw international humanitarian aid, four sources with knowledge of the situation told Reuters. Houthi rebels have been accused of massive aid diversion there. The Houthis’ humanitarian arm handpicked data collectors in 2023 to conduct surveys to assess the population’s access to food, according to three sources from the U.N.’s WFP. Reuters was unable to learn specifics about how the data was collected. The Houthis then used the data to press the IPC to say that many urban areas were experiencing food emergencies when in fact people had access to food and markets, said an IPC working group member, who spoke on condition of anonymity. The person said that Houthi officers threatened IPC members with consequences if they did not classify areas as the Houthis wanted. Houthi security forces have arrested and held incommunicado dozens of U.N. staff and employees of nongovernmental organizations. In a written response to questions from Reuters, the Houthi Supreme Council for the Management and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (SCMCHA) said the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is an “undisputed fact and not fabricated.” “The data collection process was carried out in the required manner according to the standards agreed upon with the World Food Program,” the SCMCHA said, noting that half of the data collectors were selected by the WFP. It denied diverting aid and threatening aid workers and said the arrests of U.N. staff were lawful. “These are false and untrue allegations,” the statement read. “We completely reject them. No pressure was exerted on the committee.” A global IPC team reviewed the Houthi-collected data and found that it overstated hunger levels, three IPC sources told Reuters. The IPC decided not to publish the Houthi-led analysis. And because of security concerns, it did not publish its own evaluation, either, the sources said. Even when the IPC’s work is unhindered and timely, donor countries often respond sluggishly to warnings of a food crisis. And conflict, closed borders and movement restrictions make it difficult to deliver aid. That can leave humanitarian agencies with too little money to keep hunger from worsening. The world supplied only 39% of the aid that agencies requested in 2023 to alleviate food insecurity and improve nutrition, according to U.N. data. This year is on track for only slightly better results. Government officials from seven donor countries told Reuters they take note of the IPC’s reports, but they also weigh budgetary and political priorities, climate predictions, logistical hurdles to delivering aid, and the actions of other donors. Germany would pay attention to an IPC Phase 4 or Phase 5 determination, said Andreas von Brandt, Berlin’s ambassador to the U.N. in Rome. But it wouldn’t guarantee a response. “Our funds are limited,” von Brandt said. “Even in the best years we wouldn’t have all the funds to suffice.” The first famine the IPC identified – in 2011 in Somalia – illustrates the devastating toll when aid arrives too late. Drought and armed conflict among militant groups fighting for control of the country’s south led to mass displacement and dire food shortages from 2010 through 2012. IPC analyses repeatedly warned of an imminent risk of famine. Yet donors balked at sending relief to a region controlled by militants the U.S. had labeled as terrorists . Humanitarian aid to the afflicted area dropped by half from 2008 to 2011, as aid workers came under attack. Only after an IPC analysis found the area in famine in July 2011 did donor nations and organizations respond with a deluge of aid. By then, much of the damage had already been done. It turned out to be one of the deadliest famines of the 21st century. An estimated 258,000 people – most of them children under 5 – died from hunger-related causes, according to a 2013 analysis commissioned by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization. Almost half died before famine was even declared, the study found. The geopolitical roadblocks and the failure of the various arms of the humanitarian aid system to work together to prevent starvation frustrates Haan, 20 years after he came up with his idea to classify hunger. “All of that comes crashing down on the woman and the girl and the young boy in Zamzam who can’t eat tonight, and there’s no reason why they shouldn’t be able to eat tonight, no reason at all,” he said. Reporting by Lena Masri, Deborah Nelson, Maggie Michael, Steve Stecklow, Ryan McNeill, Jaimi Dowdell and Benjamin Lesser. Source: Reuters (Additional reporting by Giulia Paravicini, Kaylee Kang, Nafisa Eltahir, Khalid Abdelaziz, Allison Martell and Charlie Szymanski. Edited by Janet Roberts.)

Bills Mailbag: Special teams blunders should land coordinator Matthew Smiley on the hot seatCourtland Sutton’s surge is helping rookie Bo Nix and the Denver Broncos make a playoff pushDelaware judge rejects request to restore Musk's $56 billion Tesla pay

Jim Cramer warns of market ‘excess' as stocks surgeTrump nominates cryptocurrency advocate Paul Atkins as SEC chair

Darius Tahir | (TNS) KFF Health News President-elect Donald Trump’s choice to run the sprawling government agency that administers Medicare, Medicaid, and the Affordable Care Act marketplace — celebrity doctor Mehmet Oz — recently held broad investments in health care, tech, and food companies that would pose significant conflicts of interest. Oz’s holdings, some shared with family, included a stake in UnitedHealth Group worth as much as $600,000, as well as shares of pharmaceutical firms and tech companies with business in the health care sector, such as Amazon. Collectively, Oz’s investments total tens of millions of dollars, according to financial disclosures he filed during his failed 2022 run for a Pennsylvania U.S. Senate seat. Trump said Tuesday he would nominate Oz as administrator of the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services. The agency’s scope is huge: CMS oversees coverage for more than 160 million Americans, nearly half the population. Medicare alone accounts for approximately $1 trillion in annual spending, with over 67 million enrollees. UnitedHealth Group is one of the largest health care companies in the nation and arguably the most important business partner of CMS, through which it is the leading provider of commercial health plans available to Medicare beneficiaries. UnitedHealth also offers managed-care plans under Medicaid, the joint state-federal program for low-income people, and sells plans on government-run marketplaces set up via the Affordable Care Act. Oz also had smaller stakes in CVS Health, which now includes the insurer Aetna, and in the insurer Cigna. It’s not clear if Oz, a heart surgeon by training, still holds investments in health care companies, or if he would divest his shares or otherwise seek to mitigate conflicts of interest should he be confirmed by the Senate. Reached by phone on Wednesday, he said he was in a Zoom meeting and declined to comment. An assistant did not reply to an email message with detailed questions. “It’s obvious that over the years he’s cultivated an interest in the pharmaceutical industry and the insurance industry,” said Peter Lurie, president of the Center for Science in the Public Interest, a watchdog group. “That raises a question of whether he can be trusted to act on behalf of the American people.” (The publisher of KFF Health News, David Rousseau, is on the CSPI board .) Oz used his TikTok page on multiple occasions in November to praise Trump and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., including their efforts to take on the “illness-industrial complex,” and he slammed “so-called experts like the big medical societies” for dishing out what he called bad nutritional advice. Oz’s positions on health policy have been chameleonic; in 2010, he cut an ad urging Californians to sign up for insurance under President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act, telling viewers they had a “historic opportunity.” Oz’s 2022 financial disclosures show that the television star invested a substantial part of his wealth in health care and food firms. Were he confirmed to run CMS, his job would involve interacting with giants of the industry that have contributed to his wealth. Given the breadth of his investments, it would be difficult for Oz to recuse himself from matters affecting his assets, if he still holds them. “He could spend his time in a rocking chair” if that happened, Lurie said. In the past, nominees for government positions with similar potential conflicts of interest have chosen to sell the assets or otherwise divest themselves. For instance, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen and Attorney General Merrick Garland agreed to divest their holdings in relevant, publicly traded companies when they joined the Biden administration. Trump, however, declined in his first term to relinquish control of his own companies and other assets while in office, and he isn’t expected to do so in his second term. He has not publicly indicated concern about his subordinates’ financial holdings. CMS’ main job is to administer Medicare. About half of new enrollees now choose Medicare Advantage, in which commercial insurers provide their health coverage, instead of the traditional, government-run program, according to an analysis from KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes KFF Health News. Proponents of Medicare Advantage say the private plans offer more compelling services than the government and better manage the costs of care. Critics note that Medicare Advantage plans have a long history of costing taxpayers more than the traditional program. UnitedHealth, CVS, and Cigna are all substantial players in the Medicare Advantage market. It’s not always a good relationship with the government. The Department of Justice filed a 2017 complaint against UnitedHealth alleging the company used false information to inflate charges to the government. The case is ongoing. Oz is an enthusiastic proponent of Medicare Advantage. In 2020, he proposed offering Medicare Advantage to all; during his Senate run, he offered a more general pledge to expand those plans. After Trump announced Oz’s nomination for CMS, Jeffrey Singer, a senior fellow at the libertarian-leaning Cato Institute, said he was “uncertain about Dr. Oz’s familiarity with health care financing and economics.” Singer said Oz’s Medicare Advantage proposal could require large new taxes — perhaps a 20% payroll tax — to implement. Oz has gotten a mixed reception from elsewhere in Washington. Pennsylvania Sen. John Fetterman, the Democrat who defeated Oz in 2022, signaled he’d potentially support his appointment to CMS. “If Dr. Oz is about protecting and preserving Medicare and Medicaid, I’m voting for the dude,” he said on the social platform X. Oz’s investments in companies doing business with the federal government don’t end with big insurers. He and his family also hold hospital stocks, according to his 2022 disclosure, as well as a stake in Amazon worth as much as nearly $2.4 million. (Candidates for federal office are required to disclose a broad range of values for their holdings, not a specific figure.) Amazon operates an internet pharmacy, and the company announced in June that its subscription service is available to Medicare enrollees. It also owns a primary care service , One Medical, that accepts Medicare and “select” Medicare Advantage plans. Oz was also directly invested in several large pharmaceutical companies and, through investments in venture capital funds, indirectly invested in other biotech and vaccine firms. Big Pharma has been a frequent target of criticism and sometimes conspiracy theories from Trump and his allies. Kennedy, whom Trump has said he’ll nominate to be Health and Human Services secretary, is a longtime anti-vaccine activist. During the Biden administration, Congress gave Medicare authority to negotiate with drug companies over their prices. CMS initially selected 10 drugs. Those drugs collectively accounted for $50.5 billion in spending between June 1, 2022, and May 31, 2023, under Medicare’s Part D prescription drug benefit. At least four of those 10 medications are manufactured by companies in which Oz held stock, worth as much as about $50,000. Related Articles National Politics | Special counsel moves to dismiss election interference case against President-elect Donald Trump National Politics | Donald Trump Jr. emerges as a political force of his own as he helps his father launch a second term National Politics | The rising price of paying the national debt is a risk for Trump’s promises on growth and inflation National Politics | What to know about Brooke Rollins, Trump’s pick for agriculture secretary National Politics | After Trump’s Project 2025 denials, he is tapping its authors and influencers for key roles Oz may gain or lose financially from other Trump administration proposals. For example, as of 2022, Oz held investments worth as much as $6 million in fertility treatment providers. To counter fears that politicians who oppose abortion would ban in vitro fertilization, Trump floated during his campaign making in vitro fertilization treatment free. It’s unclear whether the government would pay for the services. In his TikTok videos from earlier in November, Oz echoed attacks on the food industry by Kennedy and other figures in his “Make America Healthy Again” movement. They blame processed foods and underregulation of the industry for the poor health of many Americans, concerns shared by many Democrats and more mainstream experts. But in 2022, Oz owned stakes worth as much as $80,000 in Domino’s Pizza, Pepsi, and US Foods, as well as more substantial investments in other parts of the food chain, including cattle; Oz reported investments worth as much as $5.5 million in a farm and livestock, as well as a stake in a dairy-free milk startup. He was also indirectly invested in the restaurant chain Epic Burger. One of his largest investments was in the Pennsylvania-based convenience store chain Wawa, which sells fast food and all manner of ultra-processed snacks. Oz and his wife reported a stake in the company, beloved by many Pennsylvanians, worth as much as $30 million. ©2024 KFF Health News. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

The maritime industry is on the verge of a new era in connectivity with the launch of The Hood, a social platform built with a bold mission: to unite seafarers, their families, and maritime professionals into one vibrant, inclusive community. The Hood is more than just a networking tool. It is a space for meaningful connection, where industry members can support and empower one another. Inspired by terms like ‘sisterhood’ and ‘brotherhood,’ The Hood captures the spirit of family and mutual support. Members can job hunt, chat with colleagues, or share ideas and experiences with ease—no matter where in the world they are. The vision behind The Hood began six years ago when Josephine Le, Founder and Managing Director, first entered the maritime industry and recognised its uniqueness. She observed how challenging life at sea can be, especially for those away from home for long stretches, and saw the need for a space where maritime professionals could truly connect and support each other. After extensive research to understand the industry’s unique needs, Ms Le brought The Hood to life as a well-thought-out platform designed specifically to address these challenges. “I remember first joining the industry and feeling an immediate sense of community, but I also saw the isolation seafarers experience and some outdated recruitment practices,” said Josephine Le, Founder and Managing Director of The Hood. “The Hood was born out of a desire for connection and dependability. Even in the ever-evolving chaos like the current social media landscape, it speaks to our natural tendency to gravitate towards any kind of link to real connections and how these digital anchors can become the bedrock of a real community” Josephine Le, Founder and Managing Director “Our goal is simple but powerful: to build a community where strangers become family, and where members feel truly supported and empowered. Whether you’re just starting out or have spent years at sea, The Hood is here to help you connect, share, and belong.” The Hood serves every corner of the maritime world. Engineers can create dedicated groups to swap technical know-how, deck officers can discuss navigation and regulations, and cadets can find mentors. This tailored approach allows maritime professionals of all kinds to find support and camaraderie, right in their own space. By choosing the delicate balance between the ease of use for the less technological savvy and the advanced features of the professional page, the Hood gives the younger generation of our industry an enhanced social media tool with all their favourite features while providing the value of industry expertise by bringing the seasoned experts to the community. Starting with a dual social/professional profile feature, the platform will offer free Career Hub page for users, ability to store and share CV and documents directly, dedicated online centres for wellbeing support, e-learning, news section, and a coming soon e-shop—resources that speak directly to the community’s unique needs. The Hood is not just about work; it’s about creating an enduring community for the maritime sector. As it expands to offer more features, it will remain dedicated to its mission of uniting and uplifting the industry, helping maritime professionals, their families, and seafarers build bonds that extend far beyond the workplace. Join The Hood today and be part of a thriving community where the maritime community connect, collaborate, and belong. Sign up here: Source: The HoodPep Guardiola spoke of his relief after Manchester City finally got back to winning ways with a comfortable 3-0 defeat of Nottingham Forest on Wednesday. The champions had descended into crisis after a run of seven games without a win – six of which were defeats and the other an embarrassing 3-3 draw after leading 3-0. Four of those losses had come in the Premier League, heavily damaging their chances of claiming a fifth successive title, but they appeared to turn the corner by sweeping Forest aside at the Etihad Stadium. “We needed it,” said City manager Guardiola. “The club, the players, everyone needed to win. A good night's work 🫡 Thank you for backing us all the way, City fans 🩵 pic.twitter.com/UOcKm0Y6Ry — Manchester City (@ManCity) December 4, 2024 “But it is just one game and in three days we are at Selhurst Park, where it has always been difficult. “We played good. We still conceded some transitions and missed some easy things and lost some passes that you have to avoid, but in general, the most important thing was to break this routine of not winning games and we won it.” Kevin De Bruyne, making his first start since September after overcoming a pelvic injury, made a huge difference to a side that appeared rejuvenated. His powerful header was turned in by Bernardo Silva for the opening goal and the Belgian followed up with a powerful strike to make it 2-0. The 33-year-old is out of contract at the end of the season but it was a strong riposte to recent suggestions of a rift with Guardiola. A sweet strike 💥 ⚡️ #HighSpeedMoments | @eAndGroup pic.twitter.com/WJOkfKo2zr — Manchester City (@ManCity) December 4, 2024 “I’m so happy for him,” said Guardiola of De Bruyne’s telling contribution. “Last season he was many months injured and this season as well. “I’m so happy he’s back. He fought a lot, he’s worked and he’s back with his physicality. The minutes he played in Anfield were really good and today he played 75 fantastic minutes.” Jeremy Doku wrapped up a pleasing win when he finished a rapid counter-attack just before the hour but there was still a downside for City with injuries to defenders Nathan Ake and Manuel Akanji. Guardiola said: “For Nathan it doesn’t look good and Manu has struggled a lot over the last two months. We will see. “Phil (Foden) has bronchitis but when he doesn’t have fever he will be ready.” Despite City’s dominance, Forest did have some bright moments and manager Nuno Espirito Santo was not downbeat. He said: “When you lose 3-0 and you say it was a good performance maybe people don’t understand, but I will not say that was a bad performance. “There are positive things for us in the game. Of course there are a lot of bad things, mistakes, but we had chances. “We didn’t achieve but I think we come out proud of ourselves because we tried. For sure, this game will allow us to grow.”

LINCOLN, Neb. — Defensive coordinator Tony White, the best hire in Matt Rhule’s two seasons as coach at Nebraska, is leaving the Huskers to take the same position at Florida State . Two people briefed on the move confirmed it to The Athletic on Monday. It’s a lateral move for White, and that’s a generous assessment of the Seminoles — who play in a weaker conference than Nebraska with fewer resources than exist in Lincoln and a coach seemingly on the hot seat after a 2-10 season. Advertisement FSU has a far superior recruiting base to Nebraska. And that’s about it. So what gives? Well, Nebraska is not what it once was. It’s not what it was, in fact, 12 months ago. The Huskers, despite ending a seven-year bowl drought, walk into December with limited momentum. They’re not viewed from the outside — after bungling away late opportunities in five defeats this season — as an awakening elite program on a fast track to national relevance. Nebraska is just another program mired in mediocrity, without an impressive-looking new coach or the anticipation of a big change coming soon. Excitement around Rhule’s rebuild evaporated six weeks ago when Indiana torched the Huskers. After losing five of six games in the second half of the regular season, Nebraska is left in December to deal with the ramifications. Word of warning: It might feel like an especially long month. White’s departure is the first big domino to fall. Wide receiver Malachi Coleman , a hometown player and the gem of Rhule’s first recruiting class, announced his intention last month to depart the program. Defensive linemen Jimari Butler and Vincent Jackson are set to enter the portal. BREAKING: Nebraska DL Jimari Butler plans to enter the Transfer Portal, he tells @on3sports The 6’5 260 DL totaled 65 Tackles, 7.5 Sacks, & 1 FF in his 3 years with the Cornhuskers https://t.co/MfHHpnCmhj pic.twitter.com/gOx74CgZgV — Hayes Fawcett (@Hayesfawcett3) December 2, 2024 There will be many more exits. It’s a necessity, with the 105-man roster limit looming in 2025. Nebraska’s roster this season included about 150 players. Some departing Huskers won’t move the meter. Others will — like White, whose defense kept the Huskers afloat for much of the past two seasons. Until Dana Holgorsen arrived three weeks ago and yanked the offense out of neutral as Nebraska pounded Wisconsin 44-25, the Nebraska defense allowed no more than 14 points in every one of Rhule’s victories with the Huskers. If White’s group failed to perform, the Huskers lost. GO DEEPER How Nebraska quickly pivoted to new offensive coordinator Dana Holgorsen And now he’s off to Florida State, which has sued its conference, the ACC, to reduce the fee required for schools to leave. Of course, after a 13-0 record couldn’t get FSU into the College Football Playoff in 2023, it’s got bigger problems to tackle than its conference affiliation. White and newly hired Florida State offensive coordinator Gus Malzahn, who left the top job at UCF , could be in limbo next year at this time if they can’t turn the Noles in a positive direction under sixth-year coach Mike Norvell. Advertisement White turned down at least one opportunity to leave Nebraska after last season. He discussed head-coaching jobs with multiple schools, including his alma mater, UCLA , but ultimately stayed at Nebraska and got a $1.6 million-per-year deal through the end of next season. It made him the highest-paid assistant coach in Nebraska history. “As we resurge ... a lot of that credit is going to go to Tony,” Rhule said early this year. “And he’ll have an opportunity to be a head coach. He’ll be a great one. And hopefully, I can do some things along the way that help prepare him.” This detour to Tallahassee is not one for which Rhule stumped. And yet, here we are, mulling options for Rhule to hire as Nebraska’s next defensive coordinator. Why leave? White lost some of his autonomy with the Nebraska defense in 2024. In July, after secondary coach Evan Cooper left the program, Rhule plucked former Buffalo Bills assistant John Butler to coach the defensive backs. Butler brought a traditional defense mindset from the NFL in comparison with White’s attacking, occasionally exotic system. The Huskers still ran White’s 3-3-5 scheme, but Butler’s schematic influence was evident. In addition, Nebraska used the services of Phil Snow, the former longtime defensive coordinator under Rhule, as a consultant. Did extra hands in the kitchen compromise White’s ability to cook? “Whatever the head man wants, whatever the head man suggests, that’s the way the program goes,” White said two weeks ago. “Right? That’s how it goes, period. And so our job is to make sure that gets done in the way, in the manner in which he wants it done. “We put it on the grass with the players and make it alive. That’s anywhere, any organization. That man has been through it, and he is the leader. And when he says something, we make it work. We make it happen.” Advertisement Nebraska slipped from 11th nationally in yardage in 2023 allowed per game to 19th. Still, the Blackshirts, with returning starters at every position to open this season, put the Huskers in position to win each game except the Indiana debacle. The immediate task for Rhule is to minimize collateral damage. He can find a top-notch defensive coordinator. Butler told The Athletic early this year that he chose to leave the Bills to position himself to coordinate an NFL or major college defense. If it’s not Butler, Rhule could tap an old colleague, Geoff Collins, the former Georgia Tech head coach who coordinated North Carolina ’s defense this year. Rhule could make a run at recently fired Purdue coach Ryan Walters, an elite coordinator while at Illinois; former Wisconsin coordinator Jim Leonhard; or Chris Kiffin, the son of late, great ex-Nebraska defensive coordinator Monte Kiffin, who’s working with brother Lane this year at Ole Miss . How many dominoes could fall? White is interested in taking Terrance Knighton, Nebraska’s D-line coach of the past two seasons, with him to Florida State according to a person briefed on the situation. A few Huskers who played defense for White — like Jimari Butler — could follow. A small exodus at first might lead to a larger one. It might spread to the offensive side, especially as Nebraska trims the roster to meet the NCAA limitations. Falling dominoes could affect Holgorsen, whom the Huskers want to lock up as offensive coordinator for next season after he made a positive impact in three games. Chances are, Rhule will succeed in keeping things mostly intact. He’s good at selling Nebraska to recruits, players and assistant coaches. And Nebraska, as an institution and an athletic department, features plenty to sell itself on. But the football program is not what it once was — not 12 years ago or 12 months ago. (Photo: Mitch Sherman / The Athletic )Patriots turn their attention to the future after being eliminated from playoff contentionThree long days of counting in the General Election finished late on Monday night when the final two seats were declared in the constituency of Cavan-Monaghan. Fianna Fail was the clear winner of the election, securing 48 of the Dail parliament’s 174 seats. Sinn Fein took 39 and Fine Gael 38. Labour and the Social Democrats both won 11 seats; People Before Profit-Solidarity took three; Aontu secured two; and the Green Party retained only one of its 12 seats. Independents and others accounted for 21 seats. The return of a Fianna Fail/Fine Gael-led coalition is now highly likely. However, their combined seat total of 86 leaves them just short of the 88 needed for a majority in the Dail. While the two centrist parties that have dominated Irish politics for a century could look to strike a deal with one of the Dail’s smaller centre-left parties, such as the Social Democrats or Labour, a more straightforward route to a majority could be achieved by securing the support of several independent TDs. For Fianna Fail leader Micheal Martin and current taoiseach and Fine Gael leader Simon Harris, wooing like-minded independents would be likely to involve fewer policy concessions, and financial commitments, than would be required to convince another party to join the government benches. Longford-Westmeath independent TD Kevin “Boxer” Moran, who served in a Fine Gael-led minority government between 2017 and 2020, expressed his willingness to listen to offers to join the new coalition in Dublin. “Look, my door’s open,” he told RTE. “Someone knocks, I’m always there to open it.” Marian Harkin, an independent TD for Sligo-Leitrim, expressed her desire to participate in government as she noted that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael were within “shouting distance” of an overall majority. “That means they will be looking for support, and I certainly will be one of those people who will be speaking to them and talking to them and negotiating with them, and I’m looking forward to doing that, because that was the reason that I ran in the first place,” she said. Meanwhile, the Social Democrats and Irish Labour Party both appear cautious about the prospect of an alliance with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael. They will no doubt be mindful of the experience of the Green Party, the junior partner in the last mandate. The Greens experienced near wipeout in the election, retaining only one of their 12 seats. Sinn Fein appears to currently have no realistic route to government, given Fianna Fail and Fine Gael’s ongoing refusal to share power with the party. Despite the odds being stacked against her party, Sinn Fein president Mary Lou McDonald contacted the leaders of the Social Democrats and Labour on Monday to discuss options. Earlier, Fianna Fail deputy leader and outgoing Finance Minister Jack Chambers predicted that a new coalition government would not be in place before Christmas. Mr Chambers said planned talks about forming an administration required “time and space” to ensure that any new government will be “coherent and stable”. After an inconclusive outcome to the 2020 election, it took five months for Fianna Fail, Fine Gael and the Greens to strike the last coalition deal. Mr Chambers said he did not believe it would take that long this time, as he noted the Covid-19 pandemic was a factor in 2020, but he also made clear it would not be a swift process. He said he agreed with analysis that there was no prospect of a deal before Christmas. “I don’t expect a government to be formed in mid-December, when the Dail is due to meet on December 18, probably a Ceann Comhairle (speaker) can be elected, and there’ll have to be time and space taken to make sure we can form a coherent, stable government,” he told RTE. “I don’t think it should take five months like it did the last time – Covid obviously complicated that. But I think all political parties need to take the time to see what’s possible and try and form a stable government for the Irish people.” Fine Gael minister of state Peter Burke said members of his parliamentary party would have to meet to consider their options before giving Mr Harris a mandate to negotiate a new programme for government with Fianna Fail. “It’s important that we have a strong, stable, viable government, whatever form that may be, to ensure that we can meet the challenges of our society, meet the challenges in terms of the economic changes that are potentially going to happen,” he told RTE. Despite being set to emerge with the most seats, it has not been all good news for Fianna Fail. The party’s outgoing Health Minister Stephen Donnelly became one of the biggest casualties of the election when he lost his seat in Wicklow in the early hours of Monday morning. Mr Donnelly was always predicted to face a fight in the constituency after boundary changes saw it reduced from five to four seats. If it is to be a reprise of the Fianna Fail/Fine Gael governing partnership of the last mandate, one of the major questions is around the position of taoiseach and whether the parties will once again take turns to hold the Irish premiership during the lifetime of the new government. The outcome in 2020 saw the parties enter a coalition on the basis that the holder of the premier position would be exchanged midway through the term. Fianna Fail leader Mr Martin took the role for the first half of the mandate, with Leo Varadkar taking over in December 2022. Current Fine Gael leader Mr Harris succeeded Mr Varadkar as taoiseach when he resigned from the role earlier this year. However, this time Fianna Fail has significantly increased its seat lead over Fine Gael, compared with the last election when there were only three seats between the parties. The size of the disparity in party numbers is likely to draw focus on the rotating taoiseach arrangement, raising questions as to whether it will be re-run in the next coalition and, if it is, on what terms. On Sunday, Simon Coveney, a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, said a coalition that did not repeat the rotating taoiseach arrangement in some fashion would be a “difficult proposition” for his party. Meanwhile, Fine Gael minister Paschal Donohoe said he would be making the case for Mr Harris to have another opportunity to serve as taoiseach. On Monday, Mr Chambers said while his party would expect to lead the government it would approach the issue of rotating the taoiseach’s role on the basis of “mutual respect” with Fine Gael. “I think the context of discussions and negotiations will be driven by mutual respect, and that’s the glue that will drive a programme for government and that’s the context in which we’ll engage,” he said. On Monday, Labour leader Ivana Bacik reiterated her party’s determination to forge an alliance with fellow centre-left parties with the intention of having a unified approach to the prospect of entering government. Asked if Labour was prepared to go into government with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael on its own, she told RTE: “No, not at this stage. We are absolutely not willing to do that. “We want to ensure there’s the largest number of TDs who share our vision and our values who want to deliver change on the same basis that we do.” The Social Democrats have been non-committal about any potential arrangement with Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, and have restated a series of red lines they would need to achieve before considering taking a place in government. Leader Holly Cairns, who gave birth to a daughter on polling day on Friday, said in a statement: “The party is in a very strong position to play an important role in the next Dail. In what position, government or opposition, remains to be seen.” Fianna Fail secured the most first preference votes in Friday’s proportional representation election, taking 21.9% to Fine Gael’s 20.8%. Sinn Fein came in third on 19%. While Sinn Fein’s vote share represented a marked improvement on its disappointing showing in June’s local elections in Ireland, it is still significantly down on the 24.5% poll-topping share it secured in the 2020 general election. The final breakdown of first preferences also flipped the result of Friday night’s exit poll, which suggested Sinn Fein was in front on 21.1%, with Fine Gael on 21% and Fianna Fail on 19.5%.

Put politics aside and act on online harms, mother of sextortion victim tells MPsPunjab announces relaxing smog restrictions as air quality improvesFishburn leads at Sea Island as Dahmen keeps hope alive to keep job

Timberwolves vs. Rockets Injury Report Today – November 26ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. — PGA Tour rookie Patrick Fishburn played bogey-free for an 8-under 64 for his first lead after any round. Joel Dahmen was 10 shots behind and had a bigger cause for celebration Friday in the RSM Classic. Dahmen made a 5-foot par putt on his final hole for a 2-under 68 in tough conditions brought on by the wind and cold, allowing him to make the cut on the number and get two more days to secure his PGA Tour card for next year. He is No. 124 in the FedEx Cup. "I still got more to write this weekend for sure," said Dahmen, who recently had said his story is not yet over. "But without having the opportunity to play this weekend, my story would be a lot shorter this year." Fishburn took advantage of being on the easier Plantation course, with trees blocking the brunt of the wind and two additional par 5s. He also was helped by Maverick McNealy, who opened with a 62 on the tougher Seaside course, making two bogeys late in his round and having to settle for a 70. Fishburn, who already has locked up his card for next year, was at 11-under 131 and led McNealy and Lee Hodges (63) going into the weekend. Michael Thorbjornsen had a 69 and was the only player who had to face Seaside on Friday who was among the top five. What mattered on this day, however, was far down the leaderboard. The RSM Classic is the final tournament of the PGA Tour season, and only the top 125 in the FedEx Cup have full status in 2025. That's more critical than ever with the tour only taking the top 100 for full cards after next season. Players like Dahmen will need full status to get as many playing opportunities as they can. That explains why he felt so much pressure on a Friday. He didn't make a bogey after his opening hole and was battling temperatures in the low 50s that felt even colder with the wind ripping off the Atlantic waters of St. Simons Sound. He made a key birdie on the 14th, hitting a 4-iron for his second shot on the 424-yard hole. Dahmen also hit wedge to 2 feet on the 16th that put him on the cut line, and from the 18th fairway, he was safely on the green some 40 feet away. But he lagged woefully short, leaving himself a testy 5-footer with his job on the line. "It was a great putt. I was very nervous," Dahmen said. "But there's still work to do. It wasn't the game-winner, it was like the half-court shot to get us to halftime. But without that, and the way I played today, I wouldn't have anything this weekend." His playing partners weren't so fortunate. The tour put three in danger of losing their cards in the same group — Zac Blair (No. 123), Dahmen and Wesley Bryan (No. 125). The cut was at 1-under 141. Blair and Bryan came to the 18th hole needing birdie to be assured of making the cut and both narrowly missed. Now they have to wait to see if anyone passes them, which is typically the case. Thorbjornsen in a tie for fourth and Daniel Berger (66 at Plantation) in a tie for 17th both were projected to move into the top 125. Dahmen, indeed, still has work to do. Fishburn gets a weekend to see if he can end his rookie year with a win. "I've had a lot of experience playing in cold growing up in Utah, playing this time of year, kind of get used to playing when the body's not moving very well and you've got to move your hands," said Fishburn, who played college golf at BYU. "Just pretty happy with how I played." Ludvig Aberg, the defending champion and No. 5 player in the world competing for the first time in more than two months because of knee surgery, bounced back with a 64 on Plantation and was back in the mix. Aberg played with Luke Clanton, the Florida State sophomore who looks like he belongs each week. Clanton, the No. 1 player in the world amateur ranking who received a sponsor exemption, had a 65 at Plantation and was two shots off the lead. Clanton already has a runner-up and two other top 10s since June. "Playing with him, it's pretty awesome to watch," Clanton said. "We were kind of fanboying a little it. I know he's a really good dude but to be playing with him and to see what he's done over the last couple years, it's pretty inspirational." Get local news delivered to your inbox!

Franklin Resources Inc. lifted its holdings in MasterBrand, Inc. ( NYSE:MBC – Free Report ) by 2.3% in the third quarter, according to the company in its most recent disclosure with the Securities & Exchange Commission. The firm owned 82,457 shares of the company’s stock after acquiring an additional 1,865 shares during the period. Franklin Resources Inc.’s holdings in MasterBrand were worth $1,491,000 at the end of the most recent reporting period. Several other institutional investors have also recently made changes to their positions in the business. Connor Clark & Lunn Investment Management Ltd. purchased a new position in shares of MasterBrand in the third quarter worth $872,000. Foundry Partners LLC purchased a new position in MasterBrand during the third quarter valued at $4,952,000. Vestcor Inc increased its holdings in MasterBrand by 329.0% in the 3rd quarter. Vestcor Inc now owns 40,815 shares of the company’s stock valued at $757,000 after acquiring an additional 31,300 shares during the last quarter. Segall Bryant & Hamill LLC purchased a new stake in MasterBrand in the 3rd quarter worth $1,669,000. Finally, Mawer Investment Management Ltd. bought a new position in shares of MasterBrand during the 2nd quarter valued at about $9,873,000. Hedge funds and other institutional investors own 87.32% of the company’s stock. Wall Street Analysts Forecast Growth Separately, Loop Capital lifted their target price on MasterBrand from $20.00 to $23.00 and gave the stock a “buy” rating in a report on Thursday, October 17th. MasterBrand Stock Down 0.1 % Shares of MBC opened at $14.44 on Friday. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.83, a current ratio of 1.82 and a quick ratio of 1.02. The stock has a market capitalization of $1.84 billion, a price-to-earnings ratio of 12.67 and a beta of 1.35. MasterBrand, Inc. has a 1 year low of $13.37 and a 1 year high of $20.67. The business’s 50 day simple moving average is $16.82 and its 200-day simple moving average is $16.53. MasterBrand ( NYSE:MBC – Get Free Report ) last announced its earnings results on Tuesday, November 5th. The company reported $0.40 earnings per share (EPS) for the quarter, beating the consensus estimate of $0.34 by $0.06. The firm had revenue of $718.10 million for the quarter. MasterBrand had a net margin of 5.46% and a return on equity of 15.51%. About MasterBrand ( Free Report ) MasterBrand, Inc engages in the manufacture and sale of residential cabinets in the United States and Canada. The company offers a range of residential cabinetry products for the kitchen, bathroom, and other parts of the home. It sells its products to remodeling and new construction markets through dealers, retailers, and builders. Further Reading Want to see what other hedge funds are holding MBC? Visit HoldingsChannel.com to get the latest 13F filings and insider trades for MasterBrand, Inc. ( NYSE:MBC – Free Report ). Receive News & Ratings for MasterBrand Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for MasterBrand and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .Trump encounters Senate GOP limits with failed Gaetz AG pushNone